How ‘cultural racism’ helps Israelis rationalize inequality, discrimination

Published in ‘+972 Magazine’ (July 29, 2019): https://972mag.com/cultural-racism-helps-israelis-rationalize-inequality-discrimination/142534/

It has been 35 years since Ethiopians immigrated to Israel, after leaving their strong, close-knit diaspora communities where they kept Jewish tradition alive all those years. And yet, almost four decades later, this community is still fighting for equality in a country where many have failed to look beyond their skin color and traditional clothing.

The lion’s share of the Ethiopia’s Jewish community used to live in traditional farming villages before immigrating to Israel and until 1980, only about 250 Jews had left Ethiopia for Israel. Most Ethiopian Jews made it to the country in the 1980s, after a long, dangerous journey on foot to Sudan, during which they suffered many losses. After being placed in refugee camps while waiting for permission to enter Israel, they were covertly airlifted to the country by the Israeli Air Force and the Mossad.

Yet despite a deeply ingrained policy of encouraging the immigration of Jews from across the world, Israel’s treatment of the new Ethiopian immigrants left many feeling disillusioned.

In my research, I analyzed that absorption process. Prior to the arrival of the Ethiopian Jewish community, Israeli officials drew up carefully considered plans to integrate them into the Israeli society. Their intention was to avoid past mistakes that took place with the arrival of Mizrahi Jews decades earlier. Sadly, once again, despite the good intentions, racism plagued both the process and the consequences.

In her book “Bureaucracy and Ethiopian Immigrants,” Professor Esther Hertzog described how since their arrival to Israel, Israeli institutions have perceived the Ethiopian Jewish community as one that requires special assistance in the process of absorption. These institutions deemed Ethiopian Jews to be particularly problematic, requiring special treatment before they could take their first steps in Israel. Furthermore, the authorities found the new immigrants to lack basics skills, such as parenting, which meant that most of their children were sent to boarding schools, without their parents allowed a say on the matter.

Those practices were justified based on what scholars call “cultural racism,” which posits that culture, as opposed to biology, underpins “rational” explanations of inequality. This brand of racism blames minorities for their inequality by suggesting that their low social position is due to a lack of effort or failure to adjust to the Western way of life.

Cultural racism was quickly institutionalized in Israel.

Eduardo Bonilla-Silva, a leading researcher and former president of the American Sociological Association, wrote that institutional racism — which perpetuates the supremacy of the majority group over the minority group — is easily identifiable simply by observing the social structure in a given society. The data reveals what can only be understood as active racism on the part of Israeli institutions against Ethiopian Jews.

In the criminal justice system alone, Ethiopian Israelis are significantly more likely to be indicted or imprisoned than the general population. Ethiopian Israelis comprise only 2 percent of Israeli citizens, but in 2018 as many as 18 percent of all minors imprisoned in the country were of Ethiopian descent and they were three times more likely than the general population to find themselves under indictment. In 2016, Ethiopian Israeli adults were nearly twice as likely to be indicted than the general population. They are also the poorest group in Israel, occupying the bottom rung of the income scale.

Moreover, Israel’s Equal Employment Opportunity Commission, the Central Bureau of Statistics, and Tel Aviv University recently published a study that points to a striking pattern of ethnic segregation in the labor market. Ethiopian Israelis with academic degrees are almost completely proportionately absent in industries such as publishing, production, radio and television, architecture and engineering, and the automotive industry.

On the other hand, in almost half of the sectors in which Ethiopian Israelis with academic degrees are employed, they are vastly over-represented. These are mainly the service, sales, and food sectors, where wages are typically very low and even then, their salary does not exceed 75 percent of the salary of other Jews with an academic degree.

These results show that even having an academic degree is not helping to integrate Ethiopians in terms of job placement or income. The mostly likely explanation for this disparity is racial discrimination in hiring practices.

Scholars claim that in order to bring social change, minorities should stand up and fight for their rights. But social change is more likely to occur if the majority believes the minority’s experience of racism and discrimination. This means veteran Israelis should open their eyes and ears in order to understand how power relations in their society are maintained on the basis of race.

We all nurture varying degrees of racist attitudes against different groups. The difference lies in our awareness of these attitudes and in how we express or justify them. Once we have become aware, we must ask ourselves: are we willing to cede some privileges and the comfortable life that comes with them in order to establish a moral and equitable society?

 

By going vegan, Israelis can avoid talking about human rights

Published in ‘+972 Magazine’ (May 22, 2019): https://972mag.com/veganism-israel-occupation-denial/141572/ 

By choosing an ‘easier’ cause to fight for, some Israelis have decided they can have it all. By showing compassion to animals and their suffering, we can live with the continued blindness to the pain of the humans among us.

Israelis have taken to vegetarianism and veganism perhaps more than any country in the developed world. This is a good thing; if you measure suffering in years and number of casualties, it is valid to say that animals are the main victims of history.

I believe Israeli vegans genuinely do care for animals. There is no doubt that many of them fight for other causes as well — in 2011, hundreds of thousands of Israelis took to the streets to protest growing economic disparities, resulting in one of the most vigorous social movements in the history of the country. The tragedy with social actions in Israel, however, is that they emphasize just how much Israelis are willing to turn a blind eye to one of the most significant immoral human right violations: Israel’s decades-long oppression and occupation of millions of Palestinians.

By choosing to fight for more mainstream causes, many Jewish Israelis allow themselves to continue living in dissociation. It serves as a way to clear their consciences from their indifference and passiveness in the face of the human rights abuses in the occupied territories.

I want to suggest academic socio-psychological explanations for the reasons why many Jewish Israelis avoid protesting about the occupation, while they are very vocal and comfortable fighting for other causes.

One explanation is the many social and physical walls between Israelis and Palestinians. These walls manifest literally — with the separation barrier — but also in segregated schools, neighborhoods, and institutions that act as emotional, cognitive, and cultural barriers. The result is a distortion of reality that is meant to justify the occupation and dehumanize Palestinians.

We know from a 2010 study on the implications of occupation on the occupying society that many Israelis use various defense mechanisms to dull the feelings of guilt regarding the oppression of Palestinians. Psychological defense mechanisms help them keep their self-perception as “good human beings” while terrible acts and events are taking place nearby.

When people are exposed to information they cannot cope with, they steer away from that information. This state of denial may be an unintentional self-lie. It is a state of knowing and simultaneously not knowing.

In “States of Denial: Knowing about Atrocities and Suffering,” a comprehensive study on the sociology of denial, Stanley Cohen refers to this kind of denial as a way of keeping secrets from ourselves, of turning a blind eye to the truths we find challenging to deal with. As such, denial serves as protection from the moral costs of recognizing and taking responsibility.

The occupation is incompatible with equality. In the face of grave abuses and human rights violations, like those documented by Breaking the Silence, B’Tselem, and others, coming to grips with the understanding that human beings in our society can act so cruelly in our name can lead to significant pain. This creates moral confusion and shame, as Feagin and Vera claim in their theory about the emotions of the privileged group in a racialized society. Trying to deal with the contradiction between what people believe in — equality, love, and kindness — and what they are expected to do (fight for it) can have a psychological effect, one that people try to avoid, they write.

The more one becomes aware of injustice, the more challenging it is to ignore the ensuing moral and political questions and feelings. The dissonance builds. Members of privileged groups may feel guilt about knowing yet not acting to change the unjust reality, and often use denial as a defense mechanism. As such, mainstream causes such as veganism can act as a substitute for genuine moral reckoning; doing so helps people anesthetize themselves against the pain caused by guilt in the face of the occupation.

A social reality in which one group is in conflict with another group, in which Israel militarily controls millions of Palestinians, demands consensus regarding personal feelings, according to Cohen. When a group member raises question marks about the status quo, he or she risks condemnation, social distancing, and possibly even ostracism or social boycott. To avoid that outcome, research has found that some will try to avoid expressing these feelings and others will activate a mechanism to prevent the development of guilt in the first place. Protesting, or even speaking out against the occupation, can put one at risk of being bullied by our friends and society.

By choosing an “easier” cause to fight for, such as animal rights, however, some Israelis have decided they can have it all. By showing compassion to animals and their suffering, we can live with the continued blindness to the pain of the humans among us. By adopting a more mainstream cause, scores of Israelis have been able to avoid the responsibility and guilt of doing nothing about the occupation, avoid paying a price in social and family lives, and above all avoid living in an emotional-cognitive state of distress.

Netanyahu’s embrace of far-right leaders leaves Jews vulnerable to anti-Semitism

Published in ‘+972 Magazine’ (May 1, 2019): https://972mag.com/netanyahu-nationalism-antisemitism/141262/

For some years now, Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu has been forming close diplomatic relations with far-right nationalist world leaders. This alignment might promote Netanyahu’s plan to strengthen Jewish nationalism in Israel, but it concomitantly weakens diaspora Jews and makes them more vulnerable to anti-Semitism and hate crimes in their own countries.

Over the last five decades, anti-Semitism was in decline, particularly in the United States. Jews in the United States occupy powerful political positions, are key figures in the worlds of business and entertainment, are well integrated into American society. They are American in every sense of the word. However, as the horrific act of terror in a San Diego synagogue painfully reminded us last week, white nationalists and white supremacists have never accepted Jews as equals — or even as white.

White supremacy definitely still exists. Destroying 500 years of institutional structures and the internalization of privileged status is not that easy. Even the election of President Obama was in many ways merely a facade of progressiveness — a false hope. Research has shown that racism against black Americans actually increased during President Obama’s time in office. Furthermore, President Trump’s promise to “make America great again” gave white nationalists and white supremacists a nod to raise their heads and act.

The Anti-Defamation League reported that in the past year, a total of 1,879 incidents of harassment, vandalism, and physical assault were committed against Jews in the United States. This represents the third-highest number of reported incidents since the 1970s.

Netanyahu’s policies and vision for Israel, alongside his narcissism and ambition to stay in power forever, have create divisions not only inside Israeli society but also between Israel and American Jews. Netanyahu’s idea of Israel is not a Jewish nation with equal rights for all, but as an Israeli-Jewish nation — abandoning both non-Jewish Israelis and non-Israeli Jews.

Further, Netanyahu’s my-way-or-the-highway worldview turns American Jews who oppose the occupation or who do not fully support Israeli policies into traitors. To replace the real or anticipated loss of their support, he has looked for allies elsewhere — ones who are comfortable with Israel’s own nationalist underpinnings.

The common denominator between all these leaders — Hungary’s Viktor Orban, Brazil’s Jair Bolsonaro, and Donald Trump — is the often-insinuated but at times overt support of white national supremacy. They endorse and employ hate rhetoric, use racist terms, and undermine the rights of LGBTQ people and women. Their true goal is the promotion of the “old order” — demoting the position of and discriminating against minorities, a category that inescapably and invariably includes Jews.

The national supremacy these leaders promote in their countries is in many ways indistinguishable from Netanyahu’s agenda for Israel. Netanyahu is an intelligent man; every move he makes is calculated wisely and strategically. By aligning himself with far-right nationalist leaders who foster white supremacy, anti-Semitism, and the violence they produce, he has decided to abandon world Jewry in exchange for diplomatic support and the legitimization of his own nationalist machinations.

Israel has become a Jewish state that cares only for Jewish-Israeli citizens, breaking its commitment to protect diaspora Jews, not to mention its obligations to the non-Jews living under Israeli rule.

 

כלב מי ששומר על הדמוקרטיה

לפני כשבוע נתניהו כרת ברית עם השטן, כאשר עשה עסקה עם מפלגות הימין הקיצוני; הבית היהודי ועוצמה לישראל. המעשה לווה בקריאות גנאי מכל היושבים לשמאלו של נתניהו. אפילו איפא”ק – הועד האמריקאי-ישראלי, שבימים כתיקנָם נמנע מלהתערב בעניינים פוליטיים פנימיים בישראל, הוציא הצהרת גינוי חריגה. הסלידה מהברית שנרקמה, היא בשל תמיכתה של מפלגת עוצמה לישראל בדרכו של מאיר כהנא, הנחשבת לגזענית.

גם אני נחרדתי. אבל האמת היא, שמין מצא את מינו.

אני טוענת כי החיבור בין מפלגות “הימין הקיצוני” והליכוד במתכונתו הנוכחית, הינה טבעית. אלו שלוש מפלגות הנמצאות על הרצף הגזעני. צודקים המחמירים שגזענות מוטמעת ביסודותיה ומוסדותיה של ישראל מאז הקמתה. אך בשנים האחרונות אנו עדים להחמרה מדאיגה בכל הרמות.

דמוקרטיה איננה מסתכמת בשלטון הרוב. תפקידה של הדמוקרטיה הוא להגן על המיעוטים. בישראל של 2019 חברי הממשלה משתמשים בכוחם לרעה ומתעלמים מחובתם הדמוקרטית. אני אדגים.

שתיקתו של ראש הממשלה וחברי הממשלה לנוכח פשעי תג מחיר. תמיכתם באלאור עזריה. התייחסותו של נתניהו לערבים [פלסטינים] כגייס חמישי בבחירות הקודמות: שלטון הימין בסכנה… המצביעים הערבים בכמויות אדירות אל הקלפי.. בעזרתכם נקים ממשלה ימנית שתשמור על מדינת ישראל, ובנאומו בשבוע שעבר: “הם [גנץ ולפיד] מסתמכים על גוש חוסם של מפלגות ערביות, שפועלות לחסל את מדינת ישראל”. ולקינוח, תמיכתו של נתניהו במנהיגים גזענים ואנטישמיים כמו אורבן, ראש ממשלת הונגריה, ובולסונארו, נשיא ברזיל.

באוקטובר האחרון פורסם “דוח צמצום המרחב הדמוקרטי בכנסת ה20 – תמונת מצב” על ידי האגודה לזכויות האדם בישראל. מהנתונים משתקפת מציאות מדאיגה. נתניהו וממשלתו לא מסתפקים בדיבורים או בשתיקה לנוכח פשעים גזעניים. הם פועלים במרץ לחיסול הדמוקרטיה ולפגיעה בזכויות המיעוטים. לדוגמא: בית המשפט העליון, התקשורת וארגוני חברה אזרחית, נמצאים תחת מתקפה ודה לגיטימציה מטעם השלטון כשאלו מעבירים ביקורת על פעילות הממשלה. חקיקה להגבלת הדמוקרטיה חופש הביטוי וזכויות מיעוטים מקודמת ללא הרף: פסקת ההתגברות. הצעת חוק הנאמנות בתרבות. חוק שוברים שתיקה. חוק החרם. חוק הלאום. וכן החוק להדחת חברי כנסת.

שלא יערבבו אתכם. כל הדוגמאות שהבאתי כאן, מבוססות על הנחות גזעניות. זוהי גזענות מתוחכמת. בתחפושת. משולבת בתעוזה, מוסר נמוך וחוסר בושה. זו גזענות הנשענת על הסברים רציונליים וצוברת תאוצה בחסות מנהיגים שזורעים פחד ואימה בקרב העם.

אך לא רק הממשלה נכשלה במבחן המוסר, אלא גם התקשורת. גם התקשורת נכשלת בתפקידה בשמירה על הדמוקרטיה. זו מתפתה לספינים, מפיצה ידיעות כוזבות (פייק ניוז) ומרימה את חומת העיוורון לנעשה בשטחים הכבושים. זאת במקום לסייע ביצירת תמונה מאוזנת של המציאות.

אושרת קוטלר סיכנה את הקריירה ואת חייה כשנתנה קול, מילים ובמה לאסון המוסרי המתרחש תחת שלטון ישראל. אל נשים כמוה ראוי להרים את מבטנו. לא אל הצועקים פחד במסווה של בטחון. לא אל השותקים. הפחדנים. או המערבבים.

מקורות:

דוח צמצום המרחב הדמוקרטי בכנסת ה 20 תמונת מצב, האגודה לזכויות האדם בישראל. פורסם ב: 8.10.2018 https://www.acri.org.il/single-post/77.

Lamont, M., Moraes Silva, G., Welburn, J. S., Guetzkow, J., Mizrachi, N., Herzog, H., & Reis, E. (2016). Getting respect: responding to stigma and discrimination in the United States, Brazil, and Israel. N.J: Princeton University Press.

Omi, M., & Winant, H. (2014). Racial formation in the United States. N.Y, London: Routladge.